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अष्टाध्यायी ३.१ · सनादिप्रकरणम्

An affix that makes
a नया धातुः, not a new form

Every affix this series has met so far attaches to a root and makes a form of it — a तिङन्त, a कृदन्त, a पद. This handful does something no other affix does: it attaches to a root and makes another root. कृ takes णिच् and the result, कारि-, is not "कृ in the causative" — it is a new धातु, and from that moment on every rule in the grammar that ever mentions "a धातु" applies to it, exactly as it once applied to कृ.

कृ
+
णिच्
→
कारयति
णिच् · the causative
धातुः — what the affix attaches to सनादिप्रत्ययः — the affix that rebuilds it as a new root the new root's own output

सनाद्यन्ता धातवः

3.1.32

One four-word sūtra explains everything else on this page. Read it first, and the rest of the page is detail.

सनाद्यन्ता धातवः"[Stems] ending in सन् and the rest are धातु"

3.1.32 — सन् (the desiderative), णिच् (the causative), यङ् (the intensive) and the handful of others this page covers are grouped by tradition under one name, सनादि — "सन् and the rest" — and this sūtra says what they share: whatever they attach to, the result is a धातु. Not a form of the old one. A new one.

That single fact is why every other rule on this page reads the way it does. 3.1.68 कर्तरि शप् inserts शप् before a सार्वधातुक ending whenever the अङ्ग in front of it needs one — and once कृ+णिच् counts as a धातु, it is exactly the kind of thing 3.1.68 was written for, with no special clause required. The causative stem takes शप् (or whatever vikaraṇa its own shape calls for), takes every लकार, takes क्त्वा and तुमुन् and शतृ, can itself be turned desiderative — none of that needs its own rule. 3.1.32 already licensed all of it, in four words.

This is why पद 12's गण table stopped at चुर्. Page 12 showed चुर् (गण १०) taking णिच् as its own vikaraṇa and then, because चोर्+इ counted as a धातु again by this very sūtra, taking शप् a second time — चोरयति. This page is that same mechanism, generalised: चुरादि is only the one corner of the Dhātupāṭha where a सनादि affix is built into the citation itself. Every root in the language can be pushed through the same door on purpose.

णिच् — the causative

3.1.26

"Makes X do the action", rather than doing it. The ण् in णिच्'s own citation is not decoration — it decides how the root's own vowel changes.

हेतुमति चThe causative sense licenses णिच्

3.1.26 — continuing हेतुमति (from 3.1.25's own list, "of a causer") — णिच् attaches wherever the sentence's sense is हेतु, causation. Once it has attached, 7.2.115 fires: णिच् carries its own इत् letter ण्, which makes it णित्, and before a णित् or ञित् affix the aṅga's vowel gets not गुण but वृद्धि. That is the whole reason कृ becomes कार्- and not a mere "कर्-": the ण् of णिच् is doing that, not any property of कृ itself.

रामः शिष्यम् ग्रन्थम् पाठयतिThe case consequence — two accusatives

This is the part learners get wrong, because it looks like it should not be grammatical. Read पठ् (व्यक्तायां वाचि, "to recite/read aloud") on its own: शिष्यः ग्रन्थम् पठति, "the pupil reads the book" — शिष्य is कर्ता (प्रथमा), ग्रन्थ is कर्म (द्वितीया). Causativise it and the original agent stops being कर्ता at all.

1.4.52 is the rule doing this: for roots of motion, cognition, eating, or — as here — sound (शब्दकर्मकाणाम्, which पठ् falls under), when a lower causative is embedded under a further णिच्, the original agent (शिष्यः, the one who reads) is reassigned कर्मसंज्ञा. It does not stop being an agent in the real-world sense — it is still शिष्य who does the reading — but the grammar's कर्तृ slot is now occupied by रामः, the one who makes the reading happen, and 1.4.52 gives शिष्य's role to कर्म instead. ग्रन्थ, meanwhile, was already कर्म by the plain 1.4.49 कर्तुरीप्सिततमं कर्म, and stays कर्म. Two participants now both carry कर्मसंज्ञा, and 2.3.2 कर्मणि द्वितीया gives both of them द्वितीया — not because there is one rule for "double accusative", but because two separate, ordinary rules both point at द्वितीया for two different nouns in the same sentence. See page 08's कारकम् for कर्तृ/कर्म/अनभिहिते in general; this is the one construction where a sentence legitimately carries two of the same case for two different reasons.

सन् — the desiderative

3.1.7

"Wants to do X, [with the same agent as X]" — and its reduplication, an इ vowel copied into the reduplicated syllable, is the affix's signature.

धातोः कर्मणः…इच्छायां वाThe wanting-to sense, same agent

3.1.7 — सन् attaches when the sense is इच्छा, "wanting", and the one who wants is the same as the one who would do the thing wanted. जि (जये, "to prosper/win") gives जिगीषति, "wants to win"; पा (पाने, "to drink") gives पिपासति, "wants to drink". Both reduplicate with इ, and both stay परस्मैपदी — the base root's own पद carries through unchanged.

जिज्ञासा and पिपासा are not separate words to memorise — they are this affix. दृश्, इष् and the rest all form ordinary nouns the same way (a सनन्त धातु plus अ, then टाप् — ), and two of the results happen to be words every reader of Sanskrit already knows: . Once that click happens, "जिज्ञासा" stops being an unanalysable noun and becomes exactly what it says — ज्ञा, wanting-to-know, plus the abstract-noun affix that turns any verb into what it names.
ज्ञा's desiderative is जिज्ञासते, not जिज्ञासति. ज्ञा (अवबोधने, "to know") is परस्मैपदी on its own — but 1.3.57 names ज्ञा, श्रु, स्मृ and दृश् directly and fixes आत्मनेपद for their desiderative specifically, overriding what the base root would otherwise take. The engine returns exactly one form, and it is the -ते one. A root's own पद (page 12) and its desiderative's पद are two separate lexical facts, and this is the sūtra that keeps them separate for exactly these four roots.

यङ् — the intensive

3.1.22 · 2.4.74

Repeated or intense action, marked by a heavier reduplication than any other affix in the grammar produces. Rare outside the epics and commentary — this is mostly a reading-recognition skill, not a form to compose.

क्रियासमभिहारे यङ्"When the action is expressed repeatedly/intensely"

3.1.22 attaches यङ् to a root of one vowel starting with a consonant, and reduplicates it heavily: पच् (पाके, "to cook") gives पापच्यते, "cooks again and again / cooks intensely"; भ्रम् (चलने, "to wander") gives बंभ्रम्यते, "wanders restlessly".

यङ् is always आत्मनेपद, whichever पद the root itself takes. पच् and भ्रम् are both listed in the Dhātupāṭha, yet every यङ् form above ends in -ते. यङ् itself carries ङ् as its own इत् letter — the very letter 1.3.12 , already met on page 12 for a root's own citation accent, names directly: an affix marked ङित् forces आत्मनेपद on its own, independent of what the root underneath would otherwise take.

Two spellings of बंभ्रम्यते are both real — — an अनुस्वार/म् distinction in how the reduplicated nasal is written, not two different words.

यङ्लुक् — the same affix, dropped

2.4.74 — यङ् itself can be elided (लुक्) after it has done its reduplicating work, leaving only the heavy reduplication behind with ordinary तिङ् endings attached directly. The corpus's own examples for this affix (core/vidyut.json) list four spellings for two roots, which is itself the honest report: . This variability, more than any single form, is why यङ्लुक् is worth being able to recognise on a page rather than expecting to produce reliably.

Making verbs from nouns

3.1.8 · 3.1.9 · 3.1.10

क्यच्, काम्यच् and क्यङ् are sanādi too — but they attach to a प्रातिपदिक, a nominal stem, not to a Dhātupāṭha root. This corner of the language is still alive: a speaker can denominal-verb almost any noun on the spot.

क्यच् · काम्यच् · क्यङ्Three ways a noun becomes a verb

3.1.8 — a सुबन्त (an inflected noun form), wanting it for oneself, takes क्यच्: पुत्रम् इच्छति आत्मनः → , "wants a son [for himself]". 3.1.9 — the same sense, an alternative affix: , "wants a son". 3.1.10 and 3.1.11 — from a standard of comparison, in the sense of behaving like it: , "behaves like a hawk"; , "behaves violently/intensely".

Where these four forms come from, and why this page cannot independently re-derive them. Every other form on this page was driven through the same live vidyut-prakriya engine ../Grammar/site/prakriya.html runs, over CDP. These four are different: क्यच्/काम्यच्/क्यङ् attach to a noun stem, and the engine's WebAssembly bindings build only root-based (मूल) धातु objects — there is no denominative-from-noun constructor exposed to JavaScript in this build. Driving पुत्र through the same {aupadeshika, gana, sanādi} shape every other root on this page used either fails outright or silently returns a form with no क्यच् in it at all. The four forms above are instead the corpus's own attested examples for these affixes, in core/vidyut.json's note text — real forms, just not independently re-derived by this page.

Traditional accounts of the सनादि also name णिङ् as a further denominative-forming affix. The corpus's own list — C.krt()['sanadi'], seven entries — does not include it: this build of vidyut-prakriya implements काम्यच्, क्यङ्, क्यच्, णिच्, यङ्, यङ्लुक् and सन्, and no eighth. That is a real gap in this build's coverage, not an oversight of this page's.

They stack

Interactive preview

Because 3.1.32 makes the result of one सनादि affix a धातु again, a second सनादि affix can attach to that. A causative can be made desiderative.

कृ + सन् alone gives , "wants to do/make". कृ + णिच् + सन् — desiderative of the causative — gives , "wants to make [someone else] do". Nothing about this needed a new rule: 3.1.32 already covers it, because by the time सन् looks at कारि- (कृ+णिच्), कारि- is just a धातु like any other.

Watch a root become a root

Interactive

कृ, taking णिच्. First the derivation stops at exactly the moment 3.1.32 names — कार्+इ, not yet conjugated, already a धातु — then continues through the whole तिङ् machine a second time, on a root that did not exist when the derivation began.

And because it is now an ordinary धातु, कारि- takes every लकार and every participle a root can take. Pick one:

लिट् looks different from every other row, on purpose. कारयाम् बभूव / कारयामास is not this page's simplification — it is what the engine derives. 3.4.115 keeps लिट् आर्धधातुक even for a fresh सनादि-अन्त धातु exactly as it does for the base root (page 12), and 3.1.35–3.1.40 then license a periphrastic perfect — आम् plus a helper verb (बभूव/आस/चकार) — for precisely the roots that cannot reduplicate cleanly on their own: सनन्त, यङन्त and सनादि-अन्त roots among them. कारि- cannot say "it happened" by doubling its own first syllable the way भू did as बभूव; it borrows भू's help to say it instead.

Every step above is the actual rule the vidyut-prakriya engine cites for these forms, read off it once, not composed by hand — the same engine every other form on this page came from. Derive any other root, any other सनादि, any लकार, and see every rule the engine actually fires, not a curated handful.

All seven, at a glance

Reference

Every सनादि affix this build of vidyut-prakriya implements, from core/vidyut.json.

प्रत्ययःसूत्रम्अर्थःउदाहरणम्
Where this comes from. C.krt()['sanadi'] — the same core/vidyut.json pages 12 and 13 read — lists these seven with their own sūtra and note text. Every causative, desiderative, and यङ्/यङ्लुक् form on this page was independently re-derived through the live vidyut-prakriya WASM engine (deriveDhatus for the stem itself, deriveTinantas/deriveKrdantas/deriveSubantas for what is built on it), driven over CDP exactly as pages 12, 13 and 18 drove it — dhatu:{aupadeshika, gana, antargana, sanadi:[…], prefixes}. The three denominative examples (क्यच्, काम्यच्, क्यङ्) are the one exception, explained above. Every सूत्र number on this page resolves through C.sutra(), so a wrong one fails the build.

Check yourself

अभ्यासः

Six questions.