MAY HE ILLUMINE US
I had now been to many Ramakrishna Maths and had met scores of swamis and brahmacharis. I had the acquaintance of juniors who were struggling to get established in a life of religion. I had touched the feet and talked with seniors of the Order, men of high levels of spiritual attainment. As a pilgrim I had gained the darshan of many of India's sacred spots and temples. I had walked in the footsteps—had stood on the stages where their lilas had occurred—of many saints. I had felt an acquaintance growing in me toward Sri Ramakrishna and Holy Mother and Ramakrishna's disciples. Dakshineswar I dared believe had turned me into a bhakta, a serious spiritual seeker; and the power felt at Jagannath had convinced me as no scriptural authority, no philosophical proof, no example even of holy life could have done, that the word ‘God’ represents something real, actual, knowable.
Gradually the answers were coming to the wonderings that had motivated my journey of research: Is Ramakrishna Vedanta a great new force capable of revitalizing Hinduism and freshening and broadening the other religions of the world? Is the Order a good instrument for carrying Ramakrishna's revelation forward? Do I want to throw in my lot with this unmaterial and, to me, foreign movement forever?
A significant part of the answer to all these wonderings was still to be supplied by the events of what might be called the Ramakrishna movement's annual holy week, which comes each spring and includes Shiva Ratri, the anniversary of Ramakrishna's birthday, and the annual brahmacharya and sannyas initiations of the Order. I experienced this holy week from the best vantage point, Belur Math.
When I returned from South India I found every building at headquarters bulging with sadhus who had arrived for the big events. The second floor of the old guesthouse, which I had occupied alone in November, was now filled to overflowing. Swami Vishuddhananda, the Vice President, had returned and was occupying the inner room—Tantine's old bedroom which contained the big bed in which Swami Vivekananda had slept at Ridgley Manor, brought by Tantine to Belur Math. On the veranda that made up the balance of the quarters a dozen or fifteen men were now encamped, their bedding rolls and small bundles of possessions occupying narrow spaces side by the side on the concrete floor.
Shiva Ratri means ‘Shiva's night’—a yearly event devoted to the veneration of that aspect of God which emphasizes austerity and impersonality. The night is celebrated with four worships three hours apart, commencing at sundown and coming one after another until dawn. Those who celebrate Shiva Ratri properly not only stay up all night and attend the four worships, but begin a complete fast the day before, eating and drinking nothing until the final watch is over. The idea is that at least once a year in this way one may declare that one is verily other than the body and show one's independence of its demands for sustenance and rest.
In the centre of the auditorium of the main temple of Belur Math a roped-off section had been prepared, containing the implements for the worships, and a big basin into which, as events progressed, the worshippers were to make their oblations of water and vilwa leaves, which is all in the way of offering that the indulgent Shiva requires.
As the first watch ended, a clamour of shouting, clapping, and drum beating surprised me from the direction of the door, and in marched a costumed company moving to calls of ‘Byom, byom; Hara, Hara’. Around the worship centre they paraded, many of the seated sadhus getting up and joining in. At the head of the group danced a very realistic Shiva, or Lord Hara, with trident—a swami from the Udbodhan Office—followed by two or three brahmacharis outfitted to represent Shiva's ‘demons’ or attendants.
Thus with joy and realism was recalled Shiva's aspect as Nataraja, the divine dancer in whose ecstatic movements the whole world has its being, and from the sound of whose booming drum creation evolves.
Another aspect—of Shiva as the austere renunciate seated alone in meditation in the wilderness—was also commemorated that night. In the yard outside the dining hall a fire of big stumps had been built. To this place everyone adjourned between worships, as to a dhuni fire, that special fire of the monk, which symbolizes his unhoused mode of life and the incineration of any worldly objective. Here the same representative of Shiva in his role of ideal ascetic held court.
Back and forth throughout the night, which stretched on and on, moonless and black, sleep pulling at one, thirst and hunger making the stomach pinch and the head pound. Then at last, 7.00 a.m. and a big feast in the dining hall. Outside the fire was still burning but looked, in the strong rays of the morning sun, queer and unreal, as remote and unlikely as the events of Shiva's night, just passed.
Sri Ramakrishna's birthday is celebrated throughout the Order on two days. The first is that of the actual birth anniversary and may, of course, fall on any day of the week. This time is reserved for devotees, who come for special worships and other programmes and usually remain for a full meal of prasad. And on this day the monastic initiations occur. The second is the public anniversary and is always set to fall on the following Sunday: for Ramakrishna is a national hero in India, and all maths of the Order there must hold on his anniversary a giant open house and rally to which the general public is welcomed.
The public celebration fell on February 22 the year I was in India. I became aware that something special in the way of numbers was expected as, days in advance, teams of workers began preparations: added fencing for control of the coming crowds; temporary bamboo, palm thatch, and canvas shelters; enlarged washing and toilet facilities; a new ghat into the Ganges. The kitchen was extended, and a fresh bank of mud firepots built. Five new earthenware bins nearly the size of cisterns were constructed, into which food, as it was cooked in big brass vessels, was deposited for storage. The courtyard was roofed over to make a covered dining area. Some thirty extra brahmin cooks were hired, plus a platoon of kitchen servants.
The day commenced—as days generally do in India—at 4.30 a.m. Conch shells sounded. Then music began—full and very loud through a public-address system—which, except when interrupted by speeches, was to continue all day. At sun-up the gerrua flag bearing the seal of the Ramakrishna Order was raised above the main temple. The special buses which were to depart from Howrah Station every minute on the minute all day long began letting out their loads at the gate. People, more people than I had ever seen before at one time, began to arrive.
The half-mile long drive leading from the Grand Trunk Road to Belur Math had been turned into a market place. Here, and in the math precincts as well, merchants had been allotted free space in which to set up shops. Someone told me 500 businesses operated that day, and maybe counting the mobile food and betel hawkers, there were; my count showed about 150 actual emporiums. On sale were: images and pictures of deities; dishes and crockery; eyeglasses; furniture and toys; sweets, fruits, cool drinks, tobacco, and betel chews; kitchen utensils; notions; jewellery; ice cream—‘Shanti’ or Peacefulness’ brand; and sugar cane and sugar cane juice (heavy presses had been moved in to make the latter). There were several places where a person could get weighed and a number of stands where publications representing many viewpoints were available. See photo 6a.
Everything was handled efficiently. Direction was in the hands of 150 swamis, assisted by 1,000 volunteer workers, mostly students from Ramakrishna schools. Three hundred policemen from the Howrah constabulary patrolled the grounds. The following were provided: first-aid, with a small tent hospital; pure drinking water at five booths; a lost-and-found service for restoring misplaced children. There was a free ‘restaurant tent’ for sadhus, with all provisions and services provided free by householder devotees who thus annually played host to their monastic friends. What fun the devotees had in stuffing the brahma-charis and swamis with all the rich foods that are popular in India but which monks rarely get because of their high cost! A dozen sweepers, contributed by the local municipality, worked constantly to keep things tidy. Two shoe-check rooms did a rushing business. Coast guard rescue teams to care for too-venturesome Ganges bath-takers operated from boats opposite the ghats. And a legally constituted magistrate's court carried on right there on the Belur Math grounds, administering immediate justice to anyone caught stealing, picking pockets, or committing any other offence.
During the day several orchestras played from different places throughout the grounds, and at one point three kirtan parties were going on simultaneously. At 2.00 p.m. a party of men, singing and dancing, arrived from Calcutta whence they had come on foot, bearing on high the whole way a picture of Ramakrishna festooned with flowers. Before the day was over the crowd totalled 400,000.
On the private puja day several days earlier ten thousand people had been given complete sit-down meals of potato curry and kichuri. On this public day twenty-five thousand were given their prasad in earthenware cups, which they ate standing or moving about.
One of the main things the visitors wanted, of course, was to have the darshan of Sri Ramakrishna. This was arranged for by placing a number of relics, such as clothes he had worn, in glass cases and displaying them outdoors on the lawn. Past these relics people filed reverently all day. Also, everyone wanted to bow before the statue of the Master in the big temple, and this was made feasible through use of a valve system. Outside the front steps people lined up, then were allowed in small groups (and through the use of barricades) first to climb the steps, then to move into the auditorium, then to approach the shrine, then to bow before the shrine, and finally to depart immediately through a side door, other similarly regulated groups following. The shouts of joy as the visitors entered the temple reminded me of similar outbursts at Jagannath. The great day ended at 7.00 in the evening with a fine display of fireworks.
As the tent city had sprung up mysteriously the night before, so magically that evening did it disappear. The whole area was a shambles the next dawn, camp fires yet smouldering, foundations for the stands still in place, a great deal of litter lying about. It looked like a gypsy camp after the gypsies have moved on, or perhaps like a bivouac ground just abandoned by an army in the field. But lorries and sweepers arrived.
It was a big, relaxed fair, an Indian counterpart of the Kentucky Derby, New Year's Eve in Times Square, or the annual Rose Bowl parade and football game—a demonstration of what we are told by and about Indians, that religion is meant to be enjoyed.
The Ramakrishna Order, as we know, was started by the Master himself when toward the end of his life in 1886 he distributed gerrua cloths to his boys and sent them out to perform that symbolic first act of the new renunciated, begging food from house to house. The next year the formal establishment took place when the brothers met at the Baranagore monastery, and under the guidance of Swami Vivekananda, performed the ceremony of sannyas, taking the vows of lifelong celibacy and poverty and assuming swami names.
But the antecedents of the Order go back much farther, to the ninth century, and I found it interesting to trace down from those times as much as I could of the organization's family tree. The beginning was with Sri Shankara, that amazing philosopher-saint who lived, it is believed, in the early 800s. Although his life is clouded in legend, it is generally agreed that Shankara was born in south India, that he gained his illumination while in his teens, that he became a monk and made successful preaching tours to all parts of India, that he wrote some two dozen books, and that he died in the Himalayas at the age of thirty-two. His greatest accomplishment was the purification and revitalization of Hinduism through the formulation of advaita Vedanta.
Shankara came at a time when Buddhism, then more than a thousand years old, was fast decaying, and the balance of India's religion had become a matter of ritualistic observances tightly controlled by a hereditary brahmin priesthood. Shankara's mission was considerably advanced through his establishment of a band of ascetics, this being the first time that monasticism had ever been organized in Hinduism. In doing this Shankara was not only trying to obtain for Hinduism the disciplinary advantages of the Buddhist church, but was attempting as well to aid those who wanted to devote their lives to seeking God exclusively. There had always been wandering monks in India. Now the ascetic could live in one place without needing to spend so much of his time in the mere search for physical sustenance.
Shankara selected four places in India where he established monastic centres, in the north, east, west, and south. He organized ten orders of monks, each with a different name, two or three to operate out of each headquarters. The headquarters of interest to us is that of the south, Shringeri, a few miles from Mysore.
When Sri Ramakrishna took his sannyas vows he received them from a monk named Tota Puri. Tota Puri arrived at Dakshineswar toward the end of 1864. Thought to have been born in the Punjab, he was in any case known to have been the head of a big monastery in that province. He was a person of tremendous self-discipline, an advaita Vedantist, and a realized soul. One begins one's religious course formally, it is held in Vedanta, with that ceremony in which the aspirant receives from a teacher a mantra appropriate to the spiritual path he intends to follow. This is known as initiation. He who initiates one into religion is the ‘diksha’ guru. Somewhat comparable ceremonies are held to induct one into monastic life. A monk thus receives three initiations: diksha, brahmacharya, and sannyas. He may take all three from the same guru or each from a different guru. Tota Puri, who initiated Sri Ramakrishna into the path of sannyas, was a monk of the Puri order of Shankara.
As in all monastic organizations, upon acceptance, members of the Ramakrishna Order are given new, religious names. The system of naming works like this: Suppose one's childhood name is, for example, Gopal Ghosh. He enters the Order as a probationer. He is then known as Brahamachari Gopal, or Gopal Maharaj (anyone taking to a religious life becomes a king—of himself and of maya!). After a novitiate of at least five years, Gopal takes his formal brahmacharya initiation. He is now given a new religious name—say Bhakti—along with a second name shared by all initiated brahmacharis—Chaitanya. This has nothing to do with the sixteenth-century Bengali saint of that name, but is simply a Sanskrit word meaning ‘one who realizes God as consciousness’. The man is then known properly as Brahmachari Bhakti Chaitanya, remaining, however, to his intimates Gopal Maharaj. (With Western brahmacharis a different plan is sometimes followed. To help a man break his identification with old associations he may be given an Indian first name soon after he comes to the Order, which becomes his Maharaj name; or after he is initiated into brahmacharya the first word of his Chaitanya name may be adopted as his familiar and Maharaj name.) After a minimum of four to five years more, if he is considered fit, Gopal may take sannyas. Then he is given a name as Swami Kripananda, although his intimates will still call him Gopal Maharaj.
Naturally I was curious about the mother house of the Puri order. But when I inquired about it I was told that no relations were maintained with this centre, and indeed it was doubtful whether many of the Ramakrishna monks had ever visited there. Here again was a good example of the ‘unorganizedness’ of Hinduism. From Sir Charles Eliot's monumental Hinduism and Buddhism, however, I was able to find out something about the Shringeri Math. Eliot says that it is one of the most important religious institutions in India. The abbot in power at the time when Eliot was writing, about a generation ago, was said to be thirty-third in succession from Shankara. The Math has a good-sized financial endowment instituted by local kings. The abbot is treated with great respect.
It would be very good to go to Shringeri one day and see it all!
A few days before the big public celebration at Belur Math, in a predawn ceremony the annual brahmacharya and sannyas initiations had taken place. There have been also in the past dozen years, several brahmacharya investitures in the West. The rites are limited to the candidates and to ordained monks, who do not reveal much about what occurs. But since there is a deep interest in these ceremonies on the part of devotees and probationers, with very little published information available about them, it seems useful to explain what they consist of. While the exact words of the rites must remain restricted, I have been permitted to compose for publication the summaries appearing below.
For brahmacharya initiations in India this is the routine. The candidates come from various parts of the country several days before the appointed time. Each man meets with the President, or Vice President, who counsels him as to the meaning of the step he is about to take. In the West the initiations have been small and until 1959 limited to the disciples of one guru who has himself conducted the initiations in the presence of at least two additional swamis serving as co-sponsors. Each candidate provides himself with a new white dhoti and has his head shaved cleanly except for a tuft left at the crown, which is retained until sannyas.
With what attitudes do candidates approach the ceremony of brahmacharya? No novitiate can come other than confidently, with faith in the power of the rites and the guru who administers them truly to grant him a new birth in spirit. Yet at the same time one many experience considerable awe or trepidation. It is natural to feel nervous when entering formally upon a stage of life whose demands cannot be known fully in advance. The contrast between his own known shortcomings and his sincere resolve to fulfil excellently the obligations he is about to assume cannot help but give a man anxious concern. In a word, you are eager but scared! In addition, to me the unfamiliar experience of being obliged to have my head shaved for the ceremony constituted a hazard, as did the prospect of having to take a new and foreign name. But in whatever condition the candidate takes his brahmacharya vows, if he remains a steady aspirant he is certain to develop in actuality those qualities which he may have taken on only potentially. The meanings of the affirmations he makes he gains the power to realize.
The candidates sit before a sacramental fire. The guru and other seniors take their place behind. First comes a prologue in which is declared the purpose of the ceremony and the step the initiate is about to take: ‘The purpose of my life is to cultivate dispassion, to attain union with God, and to be immersed in the bliss of divine love. To attain these objectives I will do my utmost to live according to the ideals of brahmacharya.’
These ideals are then enumerated, and constitute the vows proper:
To meditate every day with regularity.
To pray for devotion to God and feel the purity of one's true nature.
To do work as service to God.
To be calm, sweet-tempered, enthusiastic, and fair in one's dealings.
To be moderate, constructive-minded, and self-effacing.
To ever remember that the consuming passion of the brahmachari's life must be to find God, who is dearer than any enjoyment, any personal relationship, any worldly responsibility.
To be practical in a practical world: ‘When I have known the Truth that these vows lead to—but only then—I will try to help others reach that Truth.’
Finally comes the actual vow of brahmacharya, of continence in word, thought, and deed, the practice of which is a necessary instrumentality for realization of the other ideals.
In the West a short final sentence has been added, said first by the administering guru and repeated by the candidate. With its enunciation formal entrance into the Order is effected: ‘Om; I take refuge in the holy Order of Sri Ramakrishna, as the Lord helps me.’
Last of all, all present repeat the ancient prayer addressed to that Presence in the fire which, even as it consolidates one's good intentions, equally consumes one's ignorance: ‘I, who am an embodied being, endowed with intellect, life-breath, and their functions, now offer up all my actions and their fruits to the fire of Brahman. No matter what I may have done, said, or thought, in waking, in dreaming, or in dreamless sleep, with my mind, my tongue, my hands, and my other members: may all this be an offering to Brahman. We offer ourselves and all we have at the feet of Sri Ramakrishna.’
In India the head of the Order now gives sacred threads to those who do not have them, for everyone becomes a brahmin on becoming a brahmachari if he is not a brahmin already, the new cloth, and the new name ending in Chaitanya. In the West the thread-giving is omitted, but one is told his new name by the guru just at the close of the ceremony.
For sannyas the routine is more complex. There is the same shaving as for brahmacharya. On the day of the initiation a complete fast is observed. Clothes of gerrua are obtained. In addition, the candidate must perform the obsequies of his father and mother and indeed of himself. As a monk, he henceforth can have no family duties such as participating in memorial services for parents. Nor will he have any offspring to perform the last rites for him when he dies; so he completes the funeral services for those of his elders who are already dead and for himself once and for all before becoming a sannyasin. Also these funeral rituals symbolize his death to the world. Performed a few hours before the sannyas investiture, the rites make the candidate a veritable ‘ghost’ until he gains his new birth upon becoming a swami.
To me this was very interesting. A swami not only cuts himself off from the line of his heritage religiously, but throughout India does so legally also; for according to law an ordained monk is considered as not related any more to his former family members. He may be the only son and his father may die leaving millions, but he cannot now inherit a cent; equally, his family, whatever may betide them, can have no further claim upon him.
At the appointed hour before the fire the vows are spoken. (Sannyasins are initiated ahead of brahmacharis.) It is a long ritual, consisting of many prayers and affirmations. Its purpose is utter renunciation for the sake of God. Some of the mantras are given in English in Chapter XV of Book II of Swami Saradananda's Sri Ramakrishna the Great Master. It is a ritual, essentially, of disavowing forever matter's false illusions, and espousing Spirit as the one true ingredient of man and nature. For example, here is a typical affirmation:
Om. Oblations to the supreme Self.
May my skin, flesh, blood, bones, fat, marrow,
and nerves be purified.
Free from ignorance, the root of all evil,
may I realize myself as the Light
of pure Consciousness,
the self-luminous Brahman.
Thus the body, mind, and senses are purified, one's ego is surrendered, one's mind relieved of all impressions of past deeds, thoughts, and limiting memories, by the enunciation again and again of: ‘I am the Atman, the non-dual Brahman, pure and free.’
Now the candidate proceeds to the sannyas guru, prostrating himself before him. The guru cuts the tuft of hair. This, along with his sacred thread, the man consigns to the flames, signifying his severance from caste, sex, and society. The guru then hands the candidate the ochre cloth. He gives him his name and teaches him the secret mantras known only to monks, by which any sannyasin of any order can identify any other as ordained and genuine. The man dresses himself in the clothes of renunciation. Last of all he burns in the fire, with all that is holy as his witness, his desire for enjoyment of life here and hereafter—all cravings for wealth, for progeny, and for name and fame. (These are vows of poverty and chastity nonpareil. Obedience is taken for granted, for no initiate would feel he can be anything but dutiful to the source and channel of his blessing.) The man utters the sacred promises attesting that no living being need ever in future have anything to fear from him, avowing all creatures to be extensions of himself. Thus the ceremony, which really turns a mortal into a god, ends. Through utter renunciation of humanness one has gained divinity.
Then the new swamis prove that what they have just enunciated—that the life is more than the food, and the body than the raiment—is true. Two by two they perform that symbolic act of total abandonment to divine providence, begging food from door to door. For three days they go out into the neighbourhoods around Belur Math, those who do not speak Bengali paired with those who do, obtaining their entire fare by mendicancy. They bring back whatever they collect for their own use and for sharing with the other members of the brotherhood, who subject them, of course, to much friendly teasing about the feebleness of their talents as providers! And during this time each new swami greets all seniors, telling them his new name and having the joy of hearing himself addressed by it.
The gerrua flag raised above the main temple at Belur Math on the day of the public birthday had borne the seal of the Ramakrishna Math and Mission. I had noticed this emblem carved into the lintels of doorways at some of the other maths. It appears too as the colophon on the Order's publications. I made an effort to find out what the emblem means.
The seal shows a choppy lake with a pink lotus in the water, lighted by a rising sun and encircled by a snake. On the waves rides a white swan. Below is a band of Sanskrit lettering.
At first the symbol struck me as somewhat bizarre. But if one makes an effort to understand it, it grows meaningful and attractive. Designed by Swami Vivekananda, it is a powerful ideogram showing his design for the harmonious balance and development of the religious aspirant. In another place he established as the objective for the Ramakrishna monk that he should work for his own liberation and for the good of the world. In the Math seal he carries the idea farther. The tenets of work and worship are incorporated into the seal and more besides. Swamiji said in his great lecture on ‘The Ideal of a Universal Religion’: ‘Would to God that all men were so constituted that in their minds all these elements of philosophy, mysticism, emotion, and work were equally present in full! That is my ideal, my ideal of a perfect man’. He designed the emblem to illustrate this objective and show the way to it. The rough water stands for karma yoga, for spiritual progress through unselfish work; the lotus for bhakti yoga, for development through love of God; and the rising sun for jnana yoga, for the practice of discrimination and knowledge. All are held together by raja yoga, concentration and meditation, which arouse the ‘serpent’ of spirituality. The swan in the centre symbolizes the Supreme Soul. Supported by all these modes must emerge Swamiji's ideal man, serene, blissful, perfected, alight in the beauty of his own Self. The motto states Swamiji's ultimate aim for his children, to which all work, all worship, all vows and efforts and struggles should lead: ‘May He Illumine Us’.
One of the most popular books during the latter 1950s was The Nun's Story by Kathryn Hulme. This is a beautifully written and most moving tale in which Sister Luke, a Belgian nun, after seventeen years of dedicated service in a Catholic nursing order, eventually feels she must leave her convent, and does so. The failure that sends her away is her inability to develop to the required extent the virtue of total obedience. The book is not condemnatory in spirit, but its theme is that the severe external disciplines which Christian monasticism imposes with the object of eliminating natural weaknesses succeeded too often in crushing natural humanity, generosity of heart, and spontaneity instead. Sister Luke could never overcome the idea that this result was at odds with God's purpose for her.
The way of life followed in Sister Luke's order was based on the Rule of St. Benedict. This code, which largely set the pattern for Western monasticism for fifteen hundred years, contains seventy-three chapters of minute rules. Other manuals developed since Benedict's time are as detailed, or more so. In such codes every phase of a monastic's deportment is prescribed—how to walk, how to hold a book, how to tabulate and publicly confess one's infractions of the rule, observing a proper balance between a dangerous reticence and an equally perilous self-condemnation. Penalties, including personal indignities and even corporal punishments, are prescribed for failure to obey. ‘Ours is a life against nature,’ Sister Luke is told again and again. ‘The nun dies a little every day. Singularity in virtue, even in the adoration of God—as is excessive humility—is a sin of pride. Your one purpose here is to reduce yourself to a Living Rule.’
Whether appealing to the touch of masochism in human nature, or to one's sense of the dramatic, I don't know; but such ideals of asceticism do attract. To practise them should, I think, also give one a tangible sense of accomplishment. The monastic may know exactly where he stands in relation to his obligations, and if he obeys the rule precisely he may presume himself to be successful in his religious life. To manage matters through codes should have advantages for the directors of the religious, too. Superiors can govern according to the book.
But a thoughtful person finds something very disturbing in such practices. To read such codes or stories about how they are practised makes you feel sorry. Is one who is trying to renounce all for God an incorrigible who must be broken? Is a cloister a disciplinary barracks? Most important, do these methods produce saints? One recalls the pitiless logic of Mira Bai, the sixteenth-century saint of Rajputana:
If by renouncing women one could attain God,
What about eunuchs?
If eating roots and fruits could make Him ours,
What about monkeys?
And could baths in sacred rivers wash one clean,
Then what about fish?
No, says Mira Bai, that's not the way at all:
No, seek for devotion.
Without that intense love, God,
Who is the embodiment of love,
Cannot be found.
Then how should monasticism be ordered? If not according to rules, what is the way? Some established policies are necessary, no doubt, but the real spirit of monasticism, the Ramakrishna Order teaches, cannot be achieved through codes. It is an intangible something yearned for, struggled after, and if one is fortunate—caught.
Swami Brahmananda always urged that the progress of the individual is more important than the expansion of the organization. And Swami Vivekananda declared many times that freedom is the first requisite of growth. Swami Shuddhananda, the fifth President of the Order, told the following story at a conference of senior monks at Belur Math in 1935; ‘After Swamiji's return from the West, a brahmachari requested him for some well-defined rules. At Swamiji's instance all assembled … when Swamiji said: “Our objective is to transcend all rules, for we are sannyasins and free. Still there is need of eliminating bad rules with the help of good ones, and then to reject the latter also. This is the goal of rules. Rules by themselves are of no avail unless we ourselves are good. Rules invite an attempt at breaking them. Monks should never take a wrong step. The purpose of establishing an organization and framing rules is to enable newcomers to imbibe through them the ideal, which is: For one's own salvation and for the good of all.” ’
The rules that Swamiji established, when he did do so, were however not rules in Benedict's sense, but instead broad and general objectives for individual spiritual growth and for the future direction of the Order. A summary of them may be found on pages 135–139 of the History of the Ramakrishna Math and Mission. In 1935 and in 1937 a few additional tenets were adopted, but again these were more for the ordering of the business procedures of centres than for the detailed direction of behaviour. Certain specific individual regulations, however, were included in the 1935 legislation, and these we shall examine.
Concerning entry into the Order, the rules simply state that a candidate should be healthy and adaptable, may not be over thirty (in India—thirty-six in the West), must have been known at the centre where he expects to make his postulancy for at least a year, and should be a sincere aspirant after spirituality, having ‘due regard’ for the ideals of Sri Ramakrishna and Swami Vivekananda.
I noticed this difference between Vedanta probationers in India and the West, that the former would average as a rule possibly up to ten years younger than the latter. Men in India tend to go more or less directly into the Order from high school or college, often having been closely associated with a math during their student days as pupils in one of the Order's educational institutions.
Of the two dozen monastics at the Vedanta Society of Southern California in the autumn of 1959, one-third entered at an early age (seventeen to twenty-five), whereas two-thirds joined when around thirty or somewhat older. This later entrance age is not so very desirable (for too much contact with the world fills the head with appetites and memories hard to efface later), but is inevitable at the present time because of Vedanta's newness in Europe and America. Vedanta there is not widely known or available. A person is unlikely to have heard of it as a child or to be aware of its existence at the end of his school career, so that most who come to Vedanta do so only after having made an examination—which takes time—of other religious possibilities first.
In India parents frequently are devotees. And while it must surely be as hard for a father or mother in India to give up a son as for those anywhere else, the acquaintance of parents with the Order would appear to make the lots of both parents and children easier. Of the two dozen monastics at the Vedanta Society of Southern California in the autumn of 1959, only a fourth had parents knowing anything of Vedanta at the time of their postulancy. Indeed, the parents of at least half were originally hostile to this unknown foreign influence.
Other tenets of the 1935 regulations are that monastics must meditate every day, must be circumspect in their relations with women, should not go out without informing the math head of their intention, and may be expelled if they flout fundamental monastic principles. That is about all.
But the most essential qualification of a monastic aspirant, as the Ramakrishna Order sees it, cannot be codified nor its development legislated. That is possession by him of devotion, or at least the potentiality of devotion, to God. It is as impossible to identify the promise of this inner quality in a postulant as it is to define it. It is impossible to force its appearance later in the monastic career. Yet without it excellence in other characteristics is held to count for little.
This matter of devotion—of somehow striking a gusher of divine love in one's heart—is central to Ramakrishna monasticism. The highest ideal of human existence is held out—realization of God in this life; others have realized Him; I too can and must: ‘May He Illumine Us’. To realize him I must somehow develop this love for him, this devotion. It is hastened by initiation, by affection for and service to one's teacher, by unselfish work, by meditation: ‘Think, meditate, and love will grow’. No set of rules can produce devotion. Outward penances may not speed it at all.
If the Lord is worshipped, what is the need of austerities?
If the Lord is not worshipped, what good can they do?
If God is within and without, what use have penances?
And if he is not, what good can they do?
Hence, O aspirant, give up.
My child, there is no need for austerity at all.
Instead—
Approach the Source of Love.
Win love, win strong devotion,
And with devotion as a sword,
Cut apart your bonds of wordliness.
As I understand it the Ramakrishna plan is simply this, to hold high the ideal of realization and trust God that the necessary devotion may come. One successful guru explained the Vedanta training technique in this brief formula: ‘We insist upon regular daily meditation; and we let go but keep watch’. It is as simple as that! The Christian plan seems to be to legislate the outside in the expectation that the inside will change. The Vedantic idea is to let a person largely have his head until he arrives at his own comeuppance and consequent insight, which will begin to make a man of God out of him and result in the outside's taking care of itself.
The steady meditation—the first ingredient of the recipe—is counted upon to refashion every tissue, nerve, and capillary in the aspirant. The movement of grace and the ability to co-operate with that grace may be expected to occur if one is persistent in meditation. The hands-off part of the formula, which allows a man to run his own course—checked only if he gets dangerously far out of line—permits self-understanding to come and self-discipline to take over. A progressively purified mind—a mind filled with devotion—is the only effectual rulebook there can ever be.
Where the emphasis is on inner rather than outer discipline, trainees will not always appear to be perfect saints. To those who come with Catholic ideas of deportment, processes in the Ramakrishna monastery may now and again seem helter-skelter and the residents discomposed. New observers may be puzzled by what they see; and monastic aspirants at first are likely to find the unsubstantialness of the training programme and the liberality allowed them to seek and follow almost any path they find congenial, quite unnerving.
But watch closely. I do not believe you will find literal-mindedness, martyrishness, or spiritual self-satisfaction in the Ramakrishna monk. Wait a bit, and you will see that this Hindu method—intangible as it seems—actually works. Anyone who has been around a Vedanta centre very long has beheld examples of revolution in personality that are amazing. Sometimes they come gradually. Sometimes an individual who has been wayward, intractable, apparently incapable of improvement, will become suddenly transformed.
And this intensive remaking or personality, is after all, what monasticism is for. Not merely the remaking of personality, but the creation of saints. The man who has seen God is earth's most valuable being. Living in peace with himself, he brings peace to others. As a present and visible testimony that joy in life can be had, he guarantees that every man's instinct toward happiness is not ill-founded. Attainment of God-knowledge is the real, the only objective of the religious life. That it can produce this result is proved by the presence of perfected persons among us.
Most people can still remember the excitement which surrounded the entrance a few years ago of Hollywood actress June Haver into a convent, and the even greater attention focused on her when she departed therefrom eight months later. If a prominent figure renounces, or if a known or even unknown person decides to give up monastic life, the occurrences produce intense speculation. One must conclude that the man in the street is more idealistic than is generally supposed. Any act of eschewing wordliness (although he would not choose to do it himself) attracts his admiration; if it is not carried through he is genuinely disappointed. But if an individual progresses satisfactorily in a religious vocation, as most do, there is nothing in this of a sensational nature, even though quite newsworthy changes for the better in him are probably taking place. Well, so it is, and so it should be.
What are the facts about growth and stability in monasticism? I have always wanted to know, and everyone else I have ever talked to about this is also vitally interested in the topic.
I had hoped to gather sufficient data to present the full facts concerning membership, expansion, and turnover in Catholic and Episcopalian monasticism, and to compare these with the data I have been given on the same factors in the Ramakrishna Order. But considerable library research, as well as numerous personal and written inquiries of Roman and Anglican sources, failed to produce very satisfactory figures.
The only figures that are fairly complete are those on numbers. As far as membership goes, monasticism in the Roman Catholic Church is expanding. The National Catholic Almanac of 1956 published data showing a more than 14 per cent world-wide rise in men's orders from 1948 to 1954. Statistics reported in the British journal, The Life of the Spirit, in its July, 1954, number, gave the figure of 19 per cent as the membership increment for men's orders over the period from 1940 to 1954. The only growth estimate I have for Catholic women's orders is that the number in them in the United States has tripled since 1900, with the contemplative orders growing faster than the active. Total membership in the numerous Catholic orders and congregations throughout the world is at least 270,000 men and 575,000 women at the present time. I have no figures on numbers in Episcopalian communities.
Second, as in any other specialized field nowadays, in Christian monasticism really first-class individuals are hard to attract. There are no figures to be had on the shortage of gifted trainees in the religious vocation, but candid Roman and Anglo-Catholic authorities will admit that it is a fact that such a dearth prevails.
Third, there is a good deal of coming and going in Western monasticism (as there is, for example, in the institution of marriage and in place of residence. Restlessness and impermanence are prominent features of the Western temper at present.) What the dropout rate is I have not been able to determine. A mother superior of a contemplative order told once of the members of the Hollywood society that the turnover in active orders of women is ‘large’ but in contemplative orders is ‘small’. One Catholic monk who visited the monastery at Trabuco some time back made this statement: ‘If everyone who had come to our place had stayed we'd have 5,000 by now’. His abbey was organized in 1900 and presently has a membership of 240.
The figures on Hindu monasticism are even scantier than those for Christian monasticism. Since Indian monasticism is not organized in the Western sense, no statistics for it have ever been compiled or probably could be. But if the total in Indian orders were known, and to them were added the figures on wandering sadhus, the number would certainly be a staggering one; the estimate usually given is eight million.
Satisfactory figures for the Ramakrishna Order—which is one small and new organization within Vedantic monasticism—are however available. They were supplied by the General Secretary, Swami Madhavananda, partly in the long interview I had with him in India, and partly by letter since.
Total number of sannyasins on March 1, 1956, was just under 500. There were approximately 110 ordained brahmacharis. The number of probationers, who are not registered on the Orders’ official roll, was estimated to be something over 100. The average number of initiations for the prior six years was 20 into brahmacharya and 15.5 into sannyas yearly.
Is the Ramakrishna Order growing? Yes, its growth rate would compare favourably with that of Christian orders; producing a net increment of perhaps 25 men per year, or something over a 20 per cent rise in the previous five-year period. If one were to figure the rise in Hollywood where there was one monastic in 1940 and more than two dozen in 1959 the expansion factor would be in the nature of 2,500 per cent!
The Ramakrishna Order also finds it hard to attract sufficient material of high quality. What the reason is for this no one in the Order seems to know. But a real manpower shortage exists, so that no new projects requiring added personnel may be started anywhere in the Order without permission from Headquarters; and it is only with difficulty that men can be spared to be sent to the West as assistants in established centres, let alone to father new societies.
The turnover rate in the Ramakrishna Order is very low. The total over-all shrinkage figure has been estimated to be less than 20 per cent. That is, of all men entering, four-fifths remain for the rest of their lives. As would be expected, most of those who depart leave during the probationary period. It is rare that an initiated brahmachari leaves, less than an average of two doing so yearly, while the percentage of sannyasins resigning from the Order is even lower—not more than three or four annually. In other words, of the total 600 in the Order, fewer than half a dozen leave per year, making the annual dropout rate less than 1 per cent. When one considers that the average labour turnover in business in the United States runs around 4 per cent per year, one sees that the stability factor in the Ramakrishna Order is indeed considerable.
Ramakrishna Vedanta, as it becomes a world movement, must face many hard decisions. It must preserve its Hindu character and the purity of Ramakrishna's revelation, yet be flexible enough to adapt itself to many different cultures. How can it do so and yet avoid being modified too much or diluted past recognition? A look at the struggles of Buddhism and Christianity in China may suggest some answers.
In the year A.D. 62 Ming-Ti, emperor of China, had a dream in which he beheld in the West a marvellous golden man. To discover who or what he might be Ming-Ti sent emissaries to India, who brought back the glad tidings of Buddhism. This story may be only legend, but it is known that about this time Buddhist missionaries did arrive in China and were welcomed at court. This great religion, which grew out of Hinduism and which eventually the Indian people were to disregard, had by then been in existence some five centuries.
What Gotama preached, as did every other avatar, was the perennial philosophy—pure Vedanta. By the time Buddhism reached China, however, it had been subjected to various interpretations, and several schools of thought had grown up; but its great monastic system enabled Buddhism to retain a considerable identity through the years. Wherever it came the people saw it before their eyes not as a theology, but as above all a religion of monks, of holy men, dedicated to their faith. As elsewhere, so in China, the first missionaries were monastics from India, and it was primarily through the settling down of such men to lifelong service in China that this foreign faith was able eventually to take root there and become part of the indigenous culture of the Chinese people.
One would have thought China an extremely unpromising field for Buddhist expansion. The Chinese were practical and outward-looking, whereas Buddhism is world-denying. And a fundamental conviction of the Chinese is reverence for the family and for the duty of begetting sons, while Buddhism praises celibacy. Their monastic status could not be given up by the Buddhist missionaries, but they learned how to make themselves useful to the Chinese family. They adopted into their teaching the ideal of filial piety. They established masses for the dead, enlisting much sentiment in their favour. Buddhism appealed also to the natural human hope for life beyond the grave.
While the upper classes remained Confucianist in outlook and tended to hold somewhat aloof from the new religion, on the other hand the Taoist system, also prevalent in China at the time, contained much that was compatible with Buddhism; and after some three generations there began to be a real exchange of ideas between the foreigners and the Taoist mystics. Taoism had already prepared the soil with its own ideal of inwardness and passivity in the doctrine of the Tao, as presented by Lao-tzu in the Tao-te Ching. Instead of attacking Taoism, Buddhism almost adopted it. It took over some Taoist deities into the Buddhist cycle as attendants of the Buddha; some of them it even made into Bodhisattvas. It became common to say that Lao-tzu—when he disappeared as legend claimed he had in the sixth century B.C. into the Gobi desert—was on his way to India to become reincarnate as Buddha. With Taoism thus blended into Buddhism it became possible to claim that Buddhism was not a foreign sect but a universal religion, and Buddha a world saviour.
In the second century A.D. several outstanding figures were teaching Buddhism in China. The main emphasis at first was on the translation of Indian scriptures into Chinese. By the end of the fourth century there began the practice of Chinese believers making pilgrimages to the holy places of Buddhism in India. Returning, they brought more scriptures, stories of the dramatic life of Buddha, legends of the Jatakas, some knowledge of Indian culture—and enthusiasm. By A.D. 363 Buddhist missionaries were given permission to receive native Chinese into the order as monks. Hitherto Chinese converts had been laymen only. With this important happening the church became national, independent, and self-guided. Chinese Buddhism became, as it was from then on to be, a local religion, its adherents loyal to their own country and emperor.
By the fifth and sixth centuries many people of quality became interested, and numerous Buddhist monasteries and convents were established, to which Chinese flocked. By 900 the influence of Buddhism in China was very strong. By this time it had developed into many sects. Chinese Buddhism had its own orthodoxies, neo-orthodoxies, reform movements, quietisms, fundamentalism, and modernisms. But it had incorporated itself into Chinese life so thoroughly that today one finds many Chinese words to be Sanskrit in origin, Chinese deities who have been evolved from Indian originals, and much in Chinese mythology, literature, and art traceable back to the homeland of Gotama. Sir Charles Eliot in his Hinduism and Buddhism says that Buddhism was perhaps as great a power in China as was ever Christianity in Europe.
Consider, in contrast, the fate in China of the religion of Jesus. There is evidence that Christianity reached the Far East some six or seven hundred years after the death of its founder. However, this religion made little headway there until re-introduced in the sixteenth century by Jesuit fathers. Francis Xavier tried to reach China but died just outside her shores. He was followed by Matthew Ricci, who was a very able man and whose way of spreading Christianity permitted him a considerable success.
The story of Matthew Ricci is a fascinating one. It has recently been set forth in an engaging book called The Wise Man from the West, by Vincent Cronin. Ricci was an upper-class Italian who joined the Jesuits as a young man, in 1571, and reached China some ten years later. The China of that day was still the unknown and impenetrable Cathay—extremely distrustful of outside interference—and Ricci had to spend many years of struggle in achieving any attention for himself and the faith he represented. Actually then it was Ricci's great gifts in secular fields, as a linguist, astronomer, and pioneer geographer, which finally commended him to the influential people of the country and permitted a grudging sufferance of this theology. Dressing first as a Buddhist monk, in an attempt to make it clear that he was a man of religion, Ricci soon learned that this identification did not recommend him to people of the higher classes. So he adopted the dress and manners of the Confucianist graduate, or mandarin, a mode which his learning and austerity of life allowed him to carry off successfully.
Eventually Father Ricci reached Peking where he became known to the court and the Emperor. He lived quietly, carried on a social intercourse with the aristocratic men of the capital, made a few converts, and gave his main attention to translating Christian doctrines into Chinese. These books came to be accepted as excellent Confucian-type moral treatises, some eventually to find their way into the roster of recognized Chinese classics.
Ricci died in 1610. Other Jesuits followed and, working in Ricci's way, caused Christianity in China to continue to be taken seriously. An edict of toleration of Christianity was given by the Crown in 1692.
Ricci had perceived that Christianity could never succeed in China as an exotic import. It must adapt itself to Chinese ways of thought, graft itself to all that was good in an established and fastidious culture. Ricci respected Chinese susceptibilities, believing that to do otherwise was bad manners and worse religion. He had used tact and gentleness, understanding how anyone must feel when confronted with a brand-new creed. He had contended that the mysteries of his faith must be unfolded gradually. Most particularly, after an intense study of the Chinese mind, Ricci had decided that converts must be permitted to fulfil their two traditional duties, the veneration of Confucius and of the dead members of their families.
But now things began to change. Franciscans and Dominicans entered China. Their method of evangelizing was direct, uncompromising. They walked through the streets holding up crucifixes and proclaiming all unchristian dead to be lost, with the living headed for the same fate. They disregarded a culture older than their own, which contained much of wisdom and beauty, and made no attempt to adapt themselves to the country. When these men discovered Ricci's toleration of Confucius and ancestor worship they protested to Rome that a tainted form of Christianity had been introduced into China.
A hundred-year dispute followed—one of the most serious and far-reaching controversies ever to face the Catholic Church. Finally the decision was rendered. The Church chose to be rigorously inflexible. ‘Integrity’, it phrased its final word on the subject, ‘must precede charity.’ The veneration of Confucius and dead ancestors was declared superstitious and Christians were forbidden such ceremonies. Ricci's policy of tolerance and adaptation was revoked.
Thus the imperial power in China was confronted with the pontifical will, and to the enraged government of China Christianity appeared no longer a faith of reasonable men, but a swashbuckling and fanatical cult. The emperor responded with a declaration of his own, a rule that all missionaries, if they wished to remain in China, must obtain an imperial permit, which would be issued only to those who agreed to abide by the practices of Matthew Ricci.
So as the years passed Christianity declined in China. Through the eighteenth and well into the nineteenth centuries what Christianity remained there had to be practised almost in secret. As the military and commercial invaders of the Western nations made themselves felt after 1850, China was again opened up to ‘Christian influence’. Even so, by the twentieth century China counted only 2,500 native clergy and three million Catholics, the second figure representing considerably less than 1 per cent of the population. Mass was still said in Latin. Under the protection of Western guns Protestants sent in representatives who did good work in founding schools and hospitals. But at every turn the ideals of Christianity were refuted by Western treatment of China.
Eventually China did open her heart and mind to the outside world. Going beyond her instructors, she reached out for the one idealogy which it seemed people were enthusiastic about and willing to sacrifice for—the most extreme form of Western materialism there is, namely communism. China learned the lessons the Christian nations taught better than they meant her to. She accepted Ricci's mechanical advances; his faith she dashed to the ground. And the result today is that China has become again as of old the difficult and inaccessible Cathay.
Most curious of all, the saving hope clung to by those who fear recent developments in China is that her present detour from virtue (as they see it) cannot be lengthy or serious because of the fundamentally Buddhist adherence of her vast masses!
I take this look backwards in the hope that things past may reveal things to come. The future of the Ramakrishna movement is a subject very interesting to conjecture about. In many particulars the Ramakrishna Order, as its monks move out as teachers on every continent, must meet the same challenges as did Buddhism and Christianity when they went to China. Will Vedanta follow the way of ‘integrity’ or of adaptation?
Ramakrishna died in 1886. Within ten years his apostle had introduced his message to the world. When you recall that it took centuries for Buddhism, and equally centuries for Christianity, to reach China, what a commentary this gives on the speed-up of communications in our time.
If one thinks in terms of numbers of churches or of membership, it cannot be denied that Vedanta is, however, after two generations, still an alien growth outside India. With its probably not more than two thousand members in the United States and Europe, it is not possible to claim that Vedanta is at present, except in its homeland, at all a popular movement.
Yet again, something has happened, and it is good. Consider the remarkable broadening out that has occurred in Christian nations in the past few years. Suddenly it is no longer a dangerous heterodoxy to hold that the spirit of the one God may be manifest in faiths besides Christianity. College comparative religions courses, in which all viewpoints are treated with respect, are numerous. Anthologies of spiritual literature published today regularly include passages from the Bhagavad-Gita or the Upanishads. Members of Christian church groups are often to be found attending Vedanta temples as visitors. In 1956 a book recommending the mysticism of Ramakrishna—Colin Wilson's The Outsider—became a runaway bestseller in England and the United States; and Arnold Toynbee's A Historian's Approach to Religion, which predicted the emergence of a broad new Oriental-type faith, was nearly as popular. The Bhagavad-Gita in a news-stand edition has sold in the hundreds of thousands in America and England. Time and Life have run sympathetic stories about phases of what we would call the perennial philosophy. And the ‘illiterate’ priest of Dakshineswar has even been quoted in The Reader's Digest. A new world of reconciliation seems to be dawning.
The Vedanta movement says that the spirit of God who appeared on earth as Ramakrishna is the cause of this.
In so saying, is Vedanta then following the way of ‘integrity’? Is taking satisfaction in this new saviour the admission that Vedanta is just another proselytizing religion, using sweet words of universality as a more than usually clever missionary come-on? A case could be made for this position. In one place in his rule Swami Vivekananda declared that India must conquer the world with her spirituality. The Order has not been adverse to publicity of a refined sort, and throughout India and the rest of the world its men have been as busy translating the life and words of Ramakrishna into local languages as were all the missionaries of the past in disseminating knowledge of their founders. The Ramakrishna sadhu has shown himself willing to be taken seriously by the leaders of thought of our time, just as were the early Buddhists and Ricci when they were trying to get footholds in China.
But a little deeper enquiry will show that it will be next to impossible for Vedanta ever to be an evangelizing movement. Two fundamental tenets of Vedanta must, it would seem, keep this from happening: the doctrine of the avatar; and the evolution-involution view of history. The syncretist outlook of the Indian which permitted the Buddhist to live with Taoism and Confucianism and to add something to them as well as to gain something from them, is as strongly at work today as in the past.
Will adaptation, then, be Vedanta's mode of working? So it seems Vedanta will spread, not by saying it is right and all others are wrong, not by remaining firm and making all others conform, but by accepting people as they are, telling them that what they are doing is fine, showing them that they can do better.
On the shrine of the typical Ramakrishna centre you will see Jesus and Buddha side by side with Sri Ramakrishna. Vedanta gurus in initiation give the mantra of Christ to those who are drawn to him as Chosen Ideal, as well as the mantra of Ramakrishna and other incarnations. Also those who do not believe in avatars have a place in Vedanta. Vedanta's principle is that any aspect, if it is helpful, if it is purifying, is therein divine. No church council will declare it superstitious or anathema.
Such an absence of contentiousness is, of course, maddening to the religious segregationist, who complains that Vedanta would caddishly swallow up Christ as early Buddhism incorporated Lao-tzu. But what is wrong in this? Is He who is the World Soul to be kept secure in some sect's small iron safe of exclusiveness? Which was better for the sincere Chinese—Catholic ‘integrity’ or the Buddhist way of reconciliation? Each time the Lord comes he says, “Think not that I am come to destroy the law, or the prophets; I come not to destroy, but to fulfil.’ There is a chance that his pronouncement will be, this time, heard everywhere and actually understood. This is what Swamiji visualized in his directive, that Vedanta's message of harmony should be broadcast throughout this one world.
But adaptation is a two-way movement. If Vedanta would adapt truth and truth-seekers to itself, Vedanta must expect to find itself adapted. This is exactly what is happening. Practices have always differed in the Ramakrishna installations of north and south India. They will differ most markedly in the West. In time an occidental Vedanta will emerge, as did a Chinese Buddhism. This is in accordance with the principle of religious freedom, and will be necessary if Vedanta is to grow.
The changes which have appeared between the practices in America and those of the Mission in India are not tremendous, but they are changes: Substitution of rose leaves in the daily worship for the leaves of the prescribed vilwa, which does not grow in the West; replacement of venerable Sanskrit by upstart English in rituals; officiation on the part of swamis at funeral services for devotees who have died; and dozens more of a like nature.
Swamiji said that any religion, to take root, requires a philosophy, a mythology, and a ritualism. Vedanta philosophy is not being adapted in the West. There is no need for it to be; its principles overleap racial differences and continental boundaries. The variegated Hindu mythology, however, is being modified a little by the omission of parts too strange, too excessively exotic, and the addition of stories of the feats of Western heroes and heroines, some of which even in these few years have been adjusted in the telling, so that cool fact has softened into warm fable; while ritual, like the Sabbath being made for man and not the other way round, is being changed quite considerably in America and Europe, to attune it to the convenience and mode of those who would practise it. And all this is as it should be.
Some would say that a religion of renunciation like Vedanta can never be adapted to the occidental mind; to make Vedanta available in the West is not to adapt it but to degrade it. But fear of Western inability to live up to Vedanta is not the attitude of the Ramakrishna Order. In the interview I had in India with Swami Madhavananda, I asked him about this problem, and the answers he gave to me, an American, were reassuring. In the first place, it is certainly true that not everyone in India is spiritual; there, as everywhere else, materialists are to be found. And in the second place, Vedanta may very well become conscientiously followed in the West for the very reasons some might say it won't. Having had so much luxury and enjoyed so much self-expression, and seeing they don't answer the soul‘s need, Western people may now have had their surfeit of these things and thus may be quite ready for renunciation.
Time will tell. But the intentions of the Westerner who comes to Vedanta must not be underrated. To come to Vedanta in the West is still a considerable step, at odds with the trend of the times and a man's apparent best interests. Serious sacrifices may be called for. To become a member of a Vedanta centre may result in some social ostracism. To join the Order may subject one to a lower standard of living than he has been used to. Both devotees and monastics must fight hard against the beguilements of the maya still ample in this time and place. For example, so thoroughly are many forms of communication seasoned with sensual appeal that Harvard sociologist Pitirim A. Sorokin calculated not long ago that in the United States everyone encounters some kind of sexual lure every nine minutes of the waking day. The Western Vedantist must not be sold short. If he takes to Vedanta he does so with the zeal of the rationally convinced. Adapt Vedanta he must, but ruin it he will not.
Thus there are Western devotees; and Western outlanders are being ordained with full privileges in Shankara's aristocratic order of Puri. At present 10 per cent of the total members of the Order are occidentals. Since 1947 brahmacharya had been given in the West. On his world tour in 1956 Swami Madhavananda ruled that qualified brahmacharies from the West will be in the normal way eligible for sannyas, which happened in 1958 when a brahmachari from Hollywood received his initiation as swami, and in 1959 when five brahmacharinis from the same centre became sannyasinis. While at least the male candidates must go to Belur Math for their investiture, they may thereafter live and work in their homeland. To preserve a needed coalescence throughout the Order a swami from India should probably head every centre as spiritual director. But there is no reason why Western sannyasins should not in time become preachers and operating managers of Vedanta societies anywhere in the world. These occidental swamis will adjust things according to local needs, and the adaptation of Vedanta will go on.
Does this mean that there will be no institutionalism in Ramakrishna Vedanta of the sort which permitted a Rome to dictate details of Christian practices in a far-off China? Does it suggest that the Ramakrishna movement will split up into pockets as isolated from the source as Buddhism became in the Far East?
Yes and no. Rigid institutionalism is as un-Vedantic as denominationalism. Where the avatar theory and the idea of historic cycles are held you will not find anybody preaching that his institution has all truth for all time. The Order supports a viewpoint which, as antagonistic to strong organizationalism, must eventually undermine the organization itself. Instead of preaching its own unassailability it regards itself as a necessary evil and speaks freely of its own equally inevitable eventual decline.
Yet again, Swamiji instructed his followers that total Hindu ‘unorganizedness’ is not right either. A valuable revelation requires a body of trained workers to hold it purely and hand it on.
The opinion of the seniors of the Order is that a blend of Western institutionalism and Indian laissez-faire will emerge. What will probably result is a loose federation were freedom and self-determination exist side by side with the easy working relations likely in brothers who have received their ordination from the same line of sannyas gurus.
The answer is clear. There is ‘something to’ Ramakrishna Vedanta. A great revelation is at hand. And the instrument, the Order, established to hold and expand it, is good. We are alive now. All things are favourable. This is a most auspicious moment to ‘awake, arise, and stop not’, as the Upanishads direct, ‘till the goal is reached’.
I am still at Belur Math. It is the day after the public ceremony. Things have quieted down. The 400,000 of yesterday seem a fancy of the mind. Many of the new swamis and brahmacharis have left, on the pilgrimages to the holy spots of Hinduism customary after these initiations. Tantine's guesthouse is comparatively deserted. I too am leaving, by train tonight for the north, where from New Delhi I shall depart from India by air. This is farewell to Headquarters.
In the morning I make a last trip to Dakshineswar. In the afternoon I begin taking leave of the many swamis, brahmacharis, and servants who have been so good to me. It requires some time. I see I have started on these rounds too late. I shall never get through. I remember one swami advising me to devote a whole day to it, starting first thing after breakfast. Now I see what he meant. Everyone wants a final chat along with the good-bye. The swamis I take leave of by taking the dust of their feet. When I rise some embrace me. The brahmacharis I know best embrace me too.
At teatime there is a going-away party for me in the guesthouse. Those men who have been my closer acquaintances attend: Mahavir Maharaj, Manik Maharaj, Raoji, Vishnu Maharaj, the new Swami Kritananda of Mauritius, and a dozen more. I happen to have a jar of instant coffee sent as a Christmas present from home. Milk is procured and heated. Indian sweets appear. We have American coffee, Indian style, and the sweets. We sit around on the floor in a circle, feet bare, dhotis nicely smoothed across our knees, the strangest stag party I have ever been to. In turn each man gives his testimonial, some who are not adept in English anyway bravely doing the best they can. The burden of these remarks is that when they heard that this formidable Yankee was coming they didn't know what to expect. But, having known him, they find the foreigner to be just like one of them. The Western brother is a brother indeed. In my reply I say that I had had fears on my side too, but now I also feel the same way about them. Is not the scene an illustration of what we preach—undoubted diversity, yes; but unity in diversity?
Now it is dark; time to leave for Howrah Station. The industrial school jeep is waiting. In the main temple arati is going on. Through the doorway I can see the bright nave and at the far end the marble statue of Sri Ramakrishna lighted by candles. The monks and devotees are singing the old, sweet vesper songs.
My last act is to say good-bye to President Swami Sankarananda. Months have gone by since that first meeting when at his invitation I sat down in a chair in his presence. The memory of the sweetness of his gesture in asking me to do this, and my impropriety in accepting, is still strong. At least I have learned not to do that again. I enter the old headquarters building where so much of the history of the Order had been enacted. Leaving my shoes at the bottom of the stairs, for the last time I go up to the second floor. Before me runs the River, lighted by a passing boat. On this balcony Maharaj used to sit, and here my guru first met his guru and in that exchange was sealed the fate of many. To the right is Swamiji's room. As usual when passing the door I wonder if it may not feel something like this to be in the vicinity of a working uranium pile.
I tap at the portiere-closed doorway of Swami Sankarananda's room. A soft ‘Enter’ from within. Here is President Maharaj sitting in his armchair, patriarchal, with indrawn eyes. I bow before him, feeling sad. He smiles and gives me several messages to take to swamis in America. Then he speaks tenderly his good-bye: ‘Always remember that you have a home everywhere’. A final pranam. I leave.
On the surface President Maharaj's words mean that a member of the Order is welcome in any of the Order's places on four continents. It is nice to know this and gives you a feeling of being a forerunner of the new world citizen. But I believe the spiritual father of the Order means something additional—that if we find the Self we enter the sanctuary. That tearing sense of isolation which plagues us from our babyhood we may lose when we rest in the Source. The pain we feel from being separate, desiring, ego-bound ‘Yankees’ will cease when we take our place in the unlimited realm of the spirit, when we achieve Swami Vivekananda's objective: ‘May He Illumine Us’. The refuge sought through a thousand weary incarnations each man carries within. ‘Always remember that you have a home everywhere.’ And remembering, enter in.
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